Sunday, May 26, 2019
Iranââ¬â¢s Influence in Iraq
ABSTRACTIn the period aft(prenominal) 2003, Iran was extensively involved in Iraq by demonstrating its booster cable habit in the international context. However, Iraq has been confronted with substantial instability as a result of Irans sham, even though scholars arrest presented uniteed arguments about this issue. This paper discusses the role that Iran has vie after 2003, which has affected both(prenominal) the dimensions of stability and instability. The primary objective of Iran after 2003 was to observe a positive sparing change in Iraq and besides to go by dint of that the Western troops were taken off.Different factors affected Iraqs stability, including inherent sectary divisions and the role of early(a)(a) states. There were two types of work on on Iran and they atomic number 18 first and foremost was that the projects governing body solelyy checkd leveraging close historical dealingships with several Shia organizations in Iraq alike the Islamic dogma tic Council of Iraq (ISCI), the Badr organization, and the Dawah governmental fellowship. A second factor was that Iran had utilise the Persian whirlingary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Qods ram (QF) to provide paramilitary learn, weapons, and equipment to various Iraqi militant groups, including Moqtada al-Sadrs Jaysh al-Mahdi (JAM) and the limited Group Criminals (SGCs). Iran also had an do work on the legal and constructive functions of Iraq. Although it was seen that Irans policy in Iraq is also duplicitous, it publicly cal guide for stability but diverted Iraqs organization and illegally sponsored anti-government reservess.INTRODUCTIONAlthough the factors and consequences surrounding Iran and Iraq fight have been extensively discussed in the interrogation literature, the post-war implications have been hardly understood. The get together States has been accusing Tehran of its baseless interference, which was d hotshot by Arab leaders for establishing an Islamic land1, and by prominent Iraqi officials of an array of illegitimate meddling. It has been observed that Irans influence in Iraq has created a quite a complex berth for the entire region. Iran had vital interests in Iraq, which can be perceived as strategic important for establishing power relations in the region. In inn to maximise the success of Iraq from its policy-making transition, it is actually important that Tehran and Baghdad work together. In addition, it is fundamental for all involved parties to prevent the US from further deterioration of its relations with the Islamic Republic.2 Therefore, the objective of the present research is to explore Irans role and influence in Iraq in both political and military aspects.The essay is divided into introduction followed by theoretical remarks regarding the Iraqi insurgency, and the political stability. In reviewing the literature on the conflict between Iran and Iraq, it becomes clear that Iran has contend a role in bringing about i nstability in Iraq since 2003, which has been further divided into opposite sections. The first and the foremost division occurred between those academics who make Persian influence to be the most significant destabilising factor in post-2003 Iraq, and others who hold the opinion that Irans influence is considered either positive or insignificant.As per Barzegar3, the first approach is that Irans influence in Iraq is both strong and banish. At the same time, it has been indicated that Iran had a negative foreign policy. The nature of Irans relations had changed with various militant groups in Iraq and after the fall of ibn Talal ibn Talal Husseins authorities in 2003. Moreover, Iran had deployed thousands of countersign and paramilitary people to Iraq, as Iran had conflicting and negative goals in Iraq. The primary goal of Iran was to embellish its influence at both national and local levels in Iraq. Thus, it was seen that it had made links with the local actors, even when th ey contrasted Irans preferred clients at the national level. It may be also argued that Iran follows a policy of favouritism.In the beginning after the invasion, Iran has tried to combat US power. The US had a strong position in Iraq, which could have a negative impact on the security of Iran. With the worsening situation in Iraq, and with the regime change that the US tried to impose in Iraq, the United States became less of a driver of Iranian actions, although it was always an important factor in the Iranian leaderships calculations. presently after 9/11 Iran also had changed close to of its policy as there were significant changes in the US policy. initially Iran had cooperated with the US with regards to al-Qaida and to about degree in Afghanistans issues. However, later on Iran believed that the United States rebuffed its gestures. In addition to this Iran also had exploited the situation that followed the US regime and change in Iraq so as to expand its influence there.4 As of today, Iran has its closest ties with the Islamic dogmatic Council of Iraq (ISCI), formerly the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI). This relationship basically was on the exceptionally close and subservient days when SCIRIs role was that of an Iranian proxy to be wielded against Saddams regime during the bitter 1980-8 Iran-Iraq war. Indeed, Iran even organised part of SCIRI into the Badr Corps to fight against Iraqi forces on Irans behalf. Today, as the world(prenominal) Crisis Group notes, although the extent of ISCIs continued interestingness with it is a matter of debate, there is no question that Tehran exerts significant influence over the Party and that ISCIs ties to Irans security establishment remain strong.5Therefore, ISCI has been recognised as having the strongest ties to Iran. It has also been shown as quite cooperative with the United States.6 For instance, ISCI had members, which were a part of Iraqs intelligence agency and natural la w forces. These members are now working with the United States in its capacity as part of the Iraqi government they have also gone after ISCI rivals like Muqtada as-Sadrs Jaysh al-Mahdi (JAM). In spite of ISCI being Irans closest ally in Iraq, Tehran has had many other relationships, which were exerciseed at any constitute including weakening ISCI, such as Irans ties to JAM have grown to the extent of even hosting its leader Muqtada al-Sadr. This happened despite his repeated criticisms of Tehran and violent rival with ISCI. Thus, all these efforts were done to accomplish the initially set goals, including the major idea of maintaining a solid local influence.7IRAN-IRAQ WAR (1980-1988)It is important to clarify the circumstances leading to the 1980-1988 Iraq-Iran war in order to understand Irans and Iraqs complicated relations. In 1979, after the regularisation of the Shah of Iran was overthrown in 1979, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, an Islamic Republic of Iran was established. Soon after assuming power, Ayatollah Khomeini not single exported the Islamic revolution to other countries in the Middle East but also to Iraq.8 Because of all this Saddam Hussein in 1980 contumacious to initiate a war thus, for the next two years there was a inflexible war between Iran and Iraq, resulting in Iraq being expelled from Iran. 9Although at this juncture Iran could have been declared victorious, Khomeini fought across the Shatt al-Arab waterway in Iraq to overthrow Saddam Hussein and forced his resolution in there. Khomeini had image that Shiites would corroborate him in his invasion but they were least interested to do it. Throughout the Arab countries it was assumed that it would take time for Iran to overthrow Saddam Hussein beforehand the vulnerable monarchies of the Gulf fell, including the prised Saudi Arabia and its oil. Till now America was just waiting and watching all the drama (war), but at this juncture it decided to get into the war its elf and tilt towards Iraq.10During the reign of Saddam Hussein, Iran launched a number of Shiite groups who violently opposed the Iraqi Baathist regime and this particularly took place before the Iran-Iraq war had started. The Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution (SCIR) in Iraq was led by Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim and his militia, the Badr Brigade, also joined forces with Iran in the Iran-Iraq war and very actively participated in the war by fouling the Iranian side. 11After responding to the President George H. W. Bushs ill-fated call for a Shiite uprising, which happened in 1991, SCIRI temporarily occupied the Iraqi port of Basra. Soon after the reprisals, SCIRI continued to be with the Shiite group and opposed Saddam Hussein. They were competing with different groups, such as Ahmed Chalabis Iraqi issue Congress. After the US invasion and also after the establishment of the interim Iraqi government, SCIRI established itself as one of the most important and main poli tical parties, which represented southern Shia (the other being Dawa). 12Bakr al-Hakim, who was an Iraqi religious leader, was killed in the US led Iraq war. Abdul-Aziz Al-Hakim was the SCIRIs political leader and was very famous in Iraq as a politician.13 Moreover, SCIRI and Dawa had support Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim when he was in Iran and was exiled they also gave their support to the Iranian regime and advocated an Iraqi Islamic theocracy. After returning back to Iraq, they withdrew their support from Dawa and another government party, which was led by the velayat-e faqih. As a result, they started propagating the meaningful role of religion in governance.14 IRANS STRATEGY TO INFLUENCE IRAQSoon after the fall of Saddam Husseins regime in 2003, Iran tried to influence Iraq by adopting the strategy that Iran and Iraq are neighbours with a bulky history of dealing with one another. In addition, they both have same historic, religious, economic, and cultural factors of influence. Moreove r, the eight-year long war was a result of their troubled relationship, in which Iran tried to position itself to influence the formation of a raw government in Iraq. This took place through the use of all elements of national power diplomatic agency, information technology, military, and economic resources. Iran has tried to achieve its goals in Iraq by adopting different strategies. For instance, Iran openly supported pro-Iranian factions and armed militias it also tried to influence Iraqi political leaders by building strong economic ties in Iraq, which were considered a manifestation of goodwill towards Iran.15According to Joseph Felter and Brian Fishman,16 Iran has persistently tried to affect the political landscape of Iraq. It has been argued that Iran has a well-developed plan so as to exert influence in Iraq in order to minimise or avoid the American power projection in the Middle East. Two significant modes of Iranian influence have been set in Iraq. The first mode was associated with the idea to influence Iraqi politics through the assistance of various Shiite organisations, such as the Supreme Council of Iraq, the Badr organisation, and the Dawa political party.The second method suggested support of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Qods Force (QF) to obtain arms and ammunition as well as paramilitary training to various Iraqi militant groups to include Moqtada al Sadrs Jaysh al Mahdi (JAM) and the Special Group Criminals (SGCs). Irans influence on Iraq has been identified as economic and religious. Irans wants for influence have spread to different diplomatic, military, and economic sectors of Iraq. Iran wanted to influence Iraq not only politically but through the involvement of mass media by creating a specific image in minds of Iraqi people so as to get help for its strategy. In economic terms, Iran has helped Iraq to build its deal out and expand it accordingly.17IRANIAN MILITARY INFLUENCE IN IRAQBecause of the influence o ver the military, it had made many insurgent groups to operate in Iraq and several(prenominal) of them were directly opposing the US military in Iraq. With such influence in Iraq, Iran could possibly retaliate against the United States. In turn, this prompted the United States to convince the United Nations to impose economic sanctions on Iran because of its nuclear program. Iran also executed return attacks on the US forces using proxy militia groups in Iraq in solecism the US decided to take direct military action.18Since 2003, Iran had pursued extensive collaboration with Iraqi political allies, such as the United States, in order to participate in the nascent democratic political process. It has also armed, trained, and funded Shiite militias with the idea to defeat the United States, which would prevent further intervention of the US army in that particular area.19As Katzman mentions,20 in the period from 2005 to 2008, Iran had increased support for Iraqi Shiite militias and took over both the material aid like physical arming of militia groups and the contribution of troops, as well as training or harbouring of insurgents. The Quds forces were supplying material to Iran, and they were charged for territorial actions, although reports have said that the military training in the Iraqi Shia militia was done by the Lebanese group Hezbollah.21 The major terrorist activity was completed by Iran and Quds Force. This was confirmed in 2010 by the US State Department22, but it appears that not only this Iranian government was involved between the IRGC and the Special Groups inwardly Iraq.23It has been noted that the Iraqi military group colligate most strongly to Iran, is probably the Badr Corps, the armed wing of the ISCI, which, even prior to 2003, was described as Irans most important action arm inside Iraq.24 Bergner (2007) stated that Iraqi Shiite groups were not in the situation to bring about such massive and destructive attacks, without weapons and tra ining from Iran, implying that Tehran has carefully planned its actions. over again it was argued that links between military groups in Iraq were made in Iran, and this further fuelled instability. However, the question whether other agents or groups were involved in creating such an unstable situation remains open.25IRANIAN POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IN IRAQBy 2011, it has been observed that Nouri al-Maliki, Prime subgenus Pastor of Iraq, was openly against the Vice President Hashemi. In addition, there was persistent agitation between Erbil and Baghdad, which made the members of Iraqiyya and the Kurds to actually consider prime ministers ouster seriously, which occurred in the 2012 spring. At this bear down Malikis opponents took the help of Sadrist because it was undeniable at that point of time to obtain 163 votes, which were required to pass a non- confidence motion. Sadr was not willing to break with the other Shiite blocs and side with Malikis Kurdish and Sunni opponents in a n on- confidence motion, in spite of having meetings between top Kurdish, Iraqiyya, and Sadrist officials (including Sadr himself) in Erbil and Najaf.26 President Jalal Talabani was also under high printing press from the Iranian government to help and support Maliki, but he directly opposed the initiation of a non-confidence vote in the parliament, saying that there is no proper support for this action.27 However, by June 2012, it has been evident that the non- confidence vote had faltered. It was in late 2012 reported that the President Talabani had changed his position on a non- confidence motion because of growing tensions among Arabs and Kurds.28 By the end of 2012, Talabani suffered a stroke there by ending any chance of renewing push to remove Maliki through a non-confidence measure. De-Baathification served the Iranian ambition more than the Iraqi one. The extensive period of Saddam Husseins Baathist rule had left a deep societal mistrust and sectarian divisions. This institu tion, de-Baathification, was created after Saddams downfall in 2003, but it was very quickly politicised, which also applied a ban on the former members of the Baath party. Again it was noted that there were links between the Iranian-backed militant groups and the head of the Shia-dominated commission and his deputies, Ahmed Chalabi and Ali al- Lami.29Iran has been involved in Iraqi politics since 2003. Yet, Iranian efforts to exert influence over politics in Iraq have been evident since 1980s. However, the main point which is debated is whether Iran is committed to exerting long-term control over such a government, and whether the Iranian government would be comfortable in allowing a Shiite Iraqi government to become militarily and political powerful. It has also been claimed that the Iranian government had exerted persistent political pressure over the US to force the Americans to withdraw their troops in 2008 as per US-Iraq Security Agreement.30 It has also been observed that Ir an normally exerts pressure on the political region in Iraq through Iraqs Shiite political parties by using its religious prowess to garner favour in the Shiite community. It appears that many of the political links were falsified after the Iran-Iraq war.This resulted in a huge number of Iraqi political figures being exiled in Iran and returning in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion to influence the politics in their home country. Iraqi Prime Minister, Nouri al-Maliki, had to spend a substantial amount of time in Iran, although most of his exile was spent in Syria, but this was during the rule of Saddam Hussein.31 Similarly, it has been also noted that the Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr had strong links with the Iranian religious government and political establishment, although the Sadrist movement was basically anti-Iranian.32 There were lots of other people, who felt that Iran had a negative impact on the instability of Iraq. According to Alsis et al.,33 after the war the election s backed all major Shiite parties, so that if any of the party wins elections can be beholden to Tehran. Again this was the strategy of Iran to get support, which had led to Shiite divisions, and thus the cause of conflict and instability in many cases.Such political instability was the major cause of the development of various divisions in Iraqi society. The eruption of these division fuelled pressure not only in Iraq but in the entire region. During the 2010 elections, many incidents of violence were reported. This raised the question about the politically unstable country considering the presence of weak coalitions and holding of elections. This has provided Iran with an opportunity to demonstrate its support for Shiites, as this could be conducive to social stability, or such a condition may simply serve to whitewash and thus diminish the naive realism of the ground situation. The Brookings Institute Iraq Index (2006)34 had charted a peak in multiple fatality bombings in Januar y 2005, during the elections, and again during other months of the same year. All this has been seen very putting green in Iraq and somehow very much seen during Ramadan and elections, or in other words, it was considered quite normal during religious and political events. For example, Cordesman cites that the number of attacks peaked to some 700 per workweek in October 2005, before the October 15th referendum on the constitution, compared to 430 per week in mid- January.35 In relation to these events, many political groups and parties, who are said to have links to political establishments of Iran and also independent elements within Iran, have argued that most of these groups have strong influence and links to the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI). It has been observed in recent years that the Mahdi Army, which is led by Moqtada al-Sadr, has become very powerful and influential due to reported links with Iran of Sadr.36ECONOMIC INFLUENCESince the US invasion, trade between Iran and Iraq has steadily increased and Iran is now Iraqs biggest trading partner37, and the trade consists of building materials, chemicals, consumer goods, and foodstuffs, much of it via the border at Mehran and Mundhirriya/QasrShirin. In addition to this, Iran has negotiated electricity deals with Iraq that were implemented after the certified public accountant era.38 According to the Iranian ambassador to Iraq, Iran supplies 750 megawatts of electricity to Iraq daily. Moreover, two Iranian banks have received an approval to open their branches in Iraq.39 Nonetheless, Irans investments in real terra firma and businesses in Basra, Karbala, and Najaf have been seen as exploitative rather than a form of gratitude from Iraqis.40To add to this Iran-Iraq economic ties are strong, and this has been encouraged to some extent by the impact of international sanctions on Iran and in other markets. It was demonstrated by Irans ambassador in gilded 2010 that Iran would double its trade vol ume with Iraq.41 Iranian officials have also indicated that they welcome a strong economic integration between the two countries, Our message to Iraqi brothers in my visit is that Iran is fully ready to expand ties with Baghdad. We announced that Tehran is prepared to put its scientific, technical, engineering, economic and commercial potentials at the disposal of Iraq.42 In 2005, there were reports that to get a job in Basra, this requires the sponsorship of Iran, as teaching posts were filled only by those who were supporting Iran43. As a result, most traders in southern parts of Iran speak Farsi and many accept Iranian currency. Iranian exports include electricity, refined oil products, and cars. It also helps to fund reconstruction. Iraqis have also started receiving medical care from Iran. Thus, Iran has presented a strong economic influence on Iraq.IRANS BROADER ROLE IN IRAQI SECURITYThe interests of Iran and Iraq security coincide in certain areas and security competition is complicated as it is seen by some Iraqis that Iran is making huge efforts to acquire nuclear weapons as a Muslim bomb, and not as a threat to Iraq.44 It was also noted that Iran has given some funding to Iraqs security forces in 2005, and Iraq had to promise the United States that Iran would not train Iraqi security forces.45Iran had pressurised on the security arrangement between the US and Iraq. widely distributed Odierno who was the Commander of the Multi-National Force in Iraq at that time said on October 12, 2008, that Iran may try to corrupt the members of the Council of Representatives so as to vote against the lieu of Forces agreement.46 However, in celestial latitude 2011 Iran indicated that the US forces should withdraw from Iraq, as the US should not use Iraqi land, sea, and air for launching or for any transit point when they attack other countries.47It has been argued that some Iraqi military and intelligence officials had significant influence over elements of the Iraqi Ministry of the Interior, and had acc employ Iran of providing shaped charges and artillery to Iraqi militants. Moreover, Iran had also recruited thousands of Iraqis for gathering information in fact, Iran has had intelligence agents in northern Iraq for at least 20 years.48 As per Dafna Linzer, the rough estimate about Iranian intelligence officers in Iraq in 2007 was about 150.49 It was also observed that some of the Iranian people felt that an increase in Iraq would be a threat to them, slice others have attempted to use Iraqs military as a wedge to force the US out of Iraq.50 As per Irans Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi, Considering the fact that the Iraqi Army can provide security, their presence in the country is not justifiable.51THE ROLE OF THE IRANIAN REVOLUTIONARY GUARD IN IRAQImmediately after the fall of Saddam in 2003, Iran began funnelling much of its aid to militias in Iraq via the Qods Force, which is a branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.52 The y not only provided funding, weapons, operatives, and training to groups in Iraq, but also to Islamic militants in Palestine, Bosnia, Hezbollah in Lebanon, fighters in south Sudan, and the Taliban in Afghanistan.53It was argued by Mahan Abedin, who is a director of research at the London-based Centre for the Study of terrorist act that Qods training was largely focused on utilising intelligence and this was the key to their success. As per official figures, the number of Qods and Iranian intelligence personnel in Iraq was 150, while US commanders believe there were only fewer Shiite provinces.54 Although the United States was slow to grasp the full extent of Irans expanding role in Iraq, but on July 19, 2005, the United States sent a secret cable to Iran which stated that a British soldier was killed by an explosive which was supplied by Iran, although Iran denied there involvement, which lead to confrontations. 55The Commander General Petraeus, who was in power during the Multi-Na tional Force operation in Iraq, stated in his testimony to Congress that none of us earlier this year appreciated the extent of Iranian involvement in Iraq, something about which we and Iraqs leaders all now have greater business organization.56 Moreover, the Qods was a tool used by Iran directly or indirectly for hurting the US military and also disrupting American interests in Iraq. In 2007, General Petraeus stated that, There should be no question about the malign, lethal involvement and activities of the Qods Force in this country. He went on to add that Iran was trusty for providing the weapons, the training, the funding and in some cases the direction for operations that have indeed killed US soldiers.57 American officials did not accuse the Qods Force directly for attacking Americans and very carefully said that they were not aware of leadership of the Iranian government as being involved in the Qods Forces activities.58 Such perplexity in the US regarding the potential i nvolvement of Iran in hte Qods Force raises certain issues that should be addressed by American politicians. Although the American president, George W. Bush, confidently said that those arms, ammunitions and explosives, which were used in Iraq, were certainly from the Qods Force, but we are not aware whether or not the head leaders of Iran ordered the Quds Force to do what all this and what all they did . 59As per the US intelligence reports, which leaked in 2010, certain details were provided about the precise extent to which Iran was involved in 2006-2009 violence. The report also said that the IRGC used Hezbollah to train militants in Iran before crossing to Iraq. Moreover, General Petraeus had stated Hezbollahs role in a 2007 report to Congress.60The reports draw on testimony from detainees, captured diaries, and weapons originating in Iran which included explosively formed penetrators, bombs, and surface-to-air missiles. Thus, by all these reports it can be concluded that Ir an had a hand in training and resourcing of specific attacks, including assassinations of Iraqi ministry officials, mortar attacks on the Green Zone, and also on kidnappings of American soldiers. In addition, General Petraeus implicated Iran in the 2007 car bombing and kill of two southern Iraqi governors. Besides using Hezbollah to train terrorists, the reports point to both the Badr Corps and Mahdi Army as allies in Iranian efforts.61According to the huge War Journal, which is basically based on interviews with senior military and intelligence officials and also mid-level military people, the Qods Force streamlined its operations in Iraq by creating the Ramazan Corps. The Corps was responsible for most of Qods Forces operations in Iraq in 2007 and consists of the Fajr command in the south, Nasr command in the north, and Zafar command in central Iraq. The Qods Forces aid also included Mahdi Army, the Badr Brigades, the Qazali Network, the Sheibani Network, and many more groups and parties, as they mostly targeted political rivals, the Iraqi Security Forces, and Coalition forces. Moreover, when Badr Brigades and SCIRI formed a government, Iranian groups targeted them.62 Again as per Brigadier General Kevin Begner, on July 2, 2007, Iran had supplied the Iraqi militias with $3 million per month.63 Again in 2011, the US raised concerns over Irans involvement in Iraqi violence and said that the increase in the number of Americans dying in the summer of 2011 was because Iran had supported Iraqi militants. Again in July, full admiral Mullen said that Iran was supplying militias in Iraq so as to take credit for withdrawing American troops.64During the war, which lasted for 8 years, Iran has developed strong ties in terms of religious and political influence with Shiite parties. During this period, Iran played a very important role in mediating between the Iraqi political leaders. It also had strong relations with the Sadrists who are one of the largest political parties in Irans ruling collation. Moreover, IRGC also had a significant influence over Iraqi security forces.Iran also has a large mix of resources, which were available in the process of exerting influence upon Iraq after Saddam Hussein was toppled in 2003. Iran also used its influence in Iraq so as to divert the US goals, and pursue its own goals and interests. Iran used its sway in Iraq in order to keep the pro-Iranian Shiite Prime Minister Maliki in power and also to maintain stability along its western border. Thus, it can be argued that Irans role in Iraq is very complex, and not a simple task to mould Iraq as per the wishes of Iran. 65CONCLUSIONFrom all that has been discussed and looked at above, it is beyond doubt that since the invasion of Iraq by the United States and the downfall of Saddam Hussein, Iran has exerted more and more influence in Iraq by both conventional and unconventional methods. It has used a number of tools ranging from economic, political, military, regional to historic to exert such influence and has also formed proxies both with organisations of different profiles and objectives. Sectarianism and factional divisions have also been largely exploited by Iran to achieve its goals.Iranian influence in Iraq is vital to Iran since it considers its importance as a means of establishing its regional dominance and counters the influence of the United States in Iraq. Such efforts of establishing its influence in Iraq have not been without setbacks considering that Iran has had to work with organisations that have been counter-productive in their goals and objectives. The situation in Syria in the past few years has also lessened the viability of Irans dominance in the region. Even with such setbacks, Iran has enjoyed some benefits from its dominance in Iraq since trade between the two countries has flourished in a critical moment when Iran was undergoing trade sanctions from the United States and Western countries. One can only wait to see how long such influence will be exerted and whether such status enjoyed by Iran now will continue to exist regardless of the political situation in Iraq. BIBLIOGRAPHYAl-Jazeera English. (2011). Iraqi PM in US to Chart Future Relations. Accessed July 2, 2014, http//www.aljazeera.com/news/americas/2011/12/2011121273244299490.html.Allawi, A. (2007). The Occupation of Iraq Winning the War, Losing the Peace. New Haven Yale University Press.Alsis, P., Cordesman, A. H., Mausner, A. and Loi, C. (2011). The Outcome of Invasion US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq. Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 2011, accessed high-flown 20, 2014, http//csis.org/files/publication/111128_Iran_Chapter_6_Iraq.pdf.Bargezar, K. (2007). Irans Foreign Policy towards Iraq and Syria. Turkish Policy quarterly 6, no. 2 1-36.Barnes, J. (2011). Mullen Accuses Tehran of Arming Iraq Militias. Wall Street Journal, July 8, 2011, accessed luxurious 4, 2014, http//online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB 10001424052702304793504576432312376139394.Beehner, L. and Greg B. (2008)Irans Involvement in Iraq. The Council on Foreign Relations, March 3, 2008, accessed direful 20, 2014,http//www.cfr.org/publication/12521/irans_involvement_in_iraq.html.Bergner, K. (2007). Multi National Force Press Briefing. July 11th 2007. Online.Accessed July 29, 2014,http//www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2007/07/mil-070711-mnfi-b01.htm.Blight, J., Lang, J. Banai, H., Byrne, M. and Tirman, J. (2012). Becoming Enemies U. S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988. Lanham Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.Brookings Institution. (2006). Iraq Index Tracking Variables of Reconstruction and Security in Post-Saddam Iraq January 2006. Accessed opulent 20, 2014, http//www.brookings.edu/fp/saban/iraq/index20060130.pdf.Cockburn, Patrick. Iran Increases Hold in Iraq as Shia Militia Enters Politics. The Independent, 7 January 2012, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middl e-east/iran-increases-hold-in-iraq-as-shia-militia-enters-politics-6286339.html.Cockburn, P. (2008). Muqtada Muqtada al-Sadr, The Shi?a Revival and the Struggle for Iraq. New York Scribner.Cordesman, A. (2006). Iraqs Evolving insurgency and the Risk of Civil War. Accessed August 21, 2014, http//csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/060622_insurgency.pdf.Cordesman, A. and Khazai, S. (2012). Patterns of force-out in Iraq. Washington DC 20006. Accessed August 4, 2014, http//csis.org/files/publication/121024_Iraq_Violence.pdf.Cordesman, A. (2007). Success or FailureIraqs Insurgency and Civil Violence and US Strategy Developments through June 2007, Online 105. Accessed August 21, 2014, http//www.comw.org/warreport/fulltext/070709cordesman.pdf.Dagher, S. (2010). Irans Ambassador to Iraq Promises Closer Trade Ties. The Wall Street Journal, August 11, 2010, accessed July 3, 2014, http//online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703435104575421520747000364.html.Eisenstadt, M. (2011) Iran and Iraq, Ir an Primer. USIP. 4, accessed July 2, 2014,http//iranprimer.usip.org/resource/iran-and-iraq.Eisenstadt, M., Knights, M., and Ali, A. (2011). Irans wreak in Iraq Countering Tehrans Whole-of-Government Approach. Washington Institute for Near East Policy Focus 111, April 2011.Foxnews Website. Experts Irans Quds Force Deeply Enmeshed in Iraq. Foxnews, February, 16, 2007, accessed August 18, 2014, http//www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,252212,00.html.Felter, J. and Fishman, B. (2008). Iranian Strategy in Iraq Politics and Other Means. Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, October 13, 2008, accessed August 21, 2014, http//iraqslogger.powweb.com/downloads/CTC_Iran_Iraq_Final.pdf.Flaherty, A. (2010). US General Cites Direct Intel Linking Iraqs al-Lami, Chalabi to Iran. Associated Press, February 16, 2010, accessed August 24, 2014, http//blendz72.wordpress.com/2010/02/17/us-general-cites-direct-intel-linking-senior-iraqi-officials-to-iran/.Gordon, M. and Lehran, A. W. (2010). Leaked Reports Detail Irans Aid for Iraqi Militias. New York Times, October 22, 2010, October 22, 2010, accessed August 15, 2014,Gordon, M.and Shane, S. (2007). U.S. Long Worried That Iran Supplied Arms in Iraq. The New York Times, March 27, 2007, accessed August 17, 2014,http//www.nytimes.com/2007/03/27/world/middleeast/27weapons.html?ref=georgewbush.Hardy, R. (2005). The Iran-Iraq War 25 Years on. BBC News, 22 September 2005, accessed August 20, 2014, http//articles.latimes.com/1990-08-16/news/mn-1034_1_iran-iraq-war.International Crisis Group. (2007). Shiite Politics in Iraq The Role of the Supreme Council, Middle East Report N70, 1-30.Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty Website. Iran Expert Discusses Irans Quds Force And U.S. Charges Concerning Iraq. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, February 16, 2007, accessed August 19, 2014, http//www.rferl.org/content/article/1074751.html.Mausner, A., Loi, C., and Alsis, P. (2011). US and Iranian Strategic Competition Competition in Iraq. Iranian First Vice- President Mohammad Reza Rahimi, 7/7/11, Marine Corps University, accessed August 24, 2014, http//csis.org/files/publication/110927_Iran_Chapter_6_Iraq.pdf.Katzman, K. (2007). Irans Activities and Influence in Iraq RS22323. congressional Research Service, 2007, accessed August 21, 2014, http//fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/105164.pdf.Katzman, K. (2010). Iran-Iraq Relations. Congressional Research Service, August 13, 2010, accessed August 21, 2014, http//www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RS22323.pdf.Katzman, K. (2012). Iran US Concerns and Policy Responses. Congressional Research Service, 2012, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL32048.pdf.Kemp, G. (2005). Iran and Iraq The Shia Connection, Soft Power, and the Nuclear Factor. Washington, DC United States Institute of Peace.Los Angeles Times Website. Key Events in the Iran Iraq War. Los Angeles Times, August, 1990, accessed August 20, 2014, http//articles.latimes.com/1990-08-16/news/mn-1034_1_iran-iraq-war.La jeunesse, G. (2009). Crimes against Humanity in Iraq The movement Against Iran. The Open Law Journal 2, no. 1 8-15.Linzer, D. (2007). Troops Authorized To Kill Iranian Operatives In Iraq. The Washington Post, January 26, P.1.Lowe, R., and Spencer, C. (2006). Iran Its Neighbours and the Regional Crises. The Royal Institute of International Affairs.Mardini, R. (2012). Iraqs Post-Withdrawal Crisis, Update 23. Institute for the Study of War, May 25, 2012, accessed June 30, 2014, http//www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/iraq%E2%80%99s-post-withdrawal-crisis-update-31.Milani, M. (2010). Meet Me in Baghdad. Foreign Affairs, September 20, 2010, accessed July 2, 2014, http//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/66750/mohsen-m-milani/meet-me-in-baghdad.Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism. (2009). State Sponsors of Terrorism,? Country Reports on Terrorism 2008. US State Department, April 30, 2009, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/crt/2008/122436.htm.Petraeus, D. (2007). Report to Congress on the Situation in Iraq,?Sep. 10-11, 2007, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/petraeus-testimony20070910.pdf.Roggio, B. (2007). Irans Ramazan Corps and the Ratlines into Iraq. The Long War Journal, December 5, 2007, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2007/12/irans_ramazan_corps.php.Rousu, D. (2010). Beyond the Shatt Al-Arab How the Fall of Saddam Hussein Changed Iran-Iraq Relations. Masters diss., University of Arizona.Hurriyet Daily News Website.Talabani Rebuffs Move to unseat PM. Hurriyet Daily News, June 1, 2012, accessed August 20, 2014, http//www.hurriyetdailynews.com/talabani-rebuffs-move-to-unseat-pm.aspx?pageID=238&nID=22057&NewsCatID=352.Taremi, K. (2005). Iranian Foreign Policy towards Occupied Iraq, 2003-05. Middle East Policy 12, no. 4 28-47.Thompson, Ch. (2009). Iranian Tentacles into Iraq. Washington, DC 20503, 2009, accessed July 3, 2014, http//www.dtic.mil/cgibin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA513319&fb _source=message.US accuses Irans envoy to Iraq. BBC News, October 7, 2007, accessed August 20, 2014, http//news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7032557.stm.Wicken, S. (2002). Political Update Can a No-Confidence Vote against Maliki Succeed This Time? Institute for the Study of War, December 21, 2012, accessed July 1, 2014, http//www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/political-update-can-no-confidence-vote-against-maliki-succeed-time.Wong, E. (2004). Iran Is in Strong Position to Steer Iraqs Political Future. New York Times, July 3, 2004, A6.Woods, K., Williamson, M., Thomas, H. and Mounir, E. (2009). Saddams War An Iraqi Military Perspective of the Iran-Iraq War. McNair Paper 70, National Defense University-Washington.Wright, R. (2004). Religious Leaders Ahead in Iraq Poll. Washington Post, October 22, 2004, A1.
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.